Clearly, this is not the Republican Party that 10 years ago proudly presented the pro-business Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan ticket. But the transformational movement within the GOP is only half the story. The nature of the corporate sector is also changing – and the rise of conservative populism has accelerated this change.
It once seemed like good business sense for major companies to avoid public involvement in political conflicts. But corporate leaders face increasing incentives to align themselves with left-of-center positions on issues of social diversity and representation, opposing Republican electoral management and vote counting.
Adopting these positions may attract potential customers who are young and well-educated, two economically lucrative demographic groups that lean together to the left. Such stances will ease the pressure on current or future workers to resist the populist shift in American conservatism. Corporate executives want their companies to be seen as welcoming and inclusive workplaces for feminists, ethnic minorities, the LGBT community, and other culturally progressives, and seem intent on alienating traditional conservatives to achieve this.
The list of conservative grievances is growing rapidly. While Republicans have long complained about the unfair treatment of big media and entertainment conglomerates, they are now extending that attack to big tech companies like Google and Facebook — especially after Donald Trump is banned from top social media platforms in early 2021. Diversity initiatives, the Black Lives Matter movement, the legalization of abortion and transgender rights have sparked accusations that big business has been tainted by the rampant “activist left.” Congressional Republicans are unhappy with the dozens of corporate political action committees that have publicly promised to end contributions to members who voted to reject the 2020 election results (though many have since reneged on that promise).
So far, this newfound Republican disunity has largely been defined by war rhetoric. Florida Sen. Marco Rubio, for example, denounced the “weak corporate leaders” who control “stateless corporations that treasure wealth divorced from the destiny of our great nation.”
But more realistic forms of punishment, like DeSantis’ Disney punishment, may be more common. Proposals calling for tech companies to limit the moderation of political content on social media have gained support among Republican lawmakers in both Congress and at the state level. Republican members of Congress have also threatened embarrassing public hearings or investigations targeting unpopular companies if they take office next year.
At the same time, the new populist trend within the GOP is characterized by a strong emphasis on nationalism and cultural nostalgia rather than a move away from any traditional conservative economic doctrine. Executive branch appointees in the Trump administration, like previous Republican presidents, have aggressively pursued deregulation measures against union interests, while the massive tax cuts in office represent Trump’s major policy achievement. Trump remains committed to extending or further reducing the corporate tax cuts he signed into law, despite a growing tendency by Republicans to aim rhetorical and legislative fire at companies seen as adversaries in the ongoing culture war.
Republican politicians and conservative media have found a sympathetic audience for their attacks on “vigilantes” in the executive branch. But as long as the party remains committed to conservative economic ideas that benefit corporations’ bottom lines, the Republican trade union, however battered it may be, cannot be completely dismantled. Despite claims to the contrary, it’s not a divorce – it’s just a strained marriage.
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This column does not necessarily reflect the views of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners.
David A. Hopkins is an associate professor of political science at Boston College and the author of “Red Fights Blue: How Geography and Election Laws Shape American Politics.”
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